POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY IN THE NIGERIAN PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION by B. A. Omoteso and A. I. Aladejana

Abstract

The paper examines the concepts of philosophy, politics and education. It also delineates the meaning of political democracy, tracing it historically to ancient Greece by pointing out that in ancient Greece, to be a citizen was to be ready to be involved, through service to the state. In addition, the paper examined nine principles necessary for the survival of political democracy. Finally, the paper discusses democratic education and its relationship to Nigerian philosophy of Education. It is argued that a democratic state can survive without all the citizens being formally educated, hence that universal education, though a lofty ideal, for various reasons, is not a desiderata for a political democracy.
Introduction
The cordial and cherished relationship between politics and democracy cannot be overstated. But the Nigerian people would have been happier had the same been extended to education and Nigerian philosophy of Education. Politics, education and indeed some form of democracy have been with us for a long time. However, their proper understanding, application and extension have deluded us. Nevertheless, one must not waste time trying to narrate why Nigerian citizens have not profited more from either political democracy or formal Western education. In this paper we examine and highlight the concepts of politics and democracy and how they affect the Nigerian philosophy of education. We argue that clear thinking is necessary for education to benefit Nigerians so as to facilitate development materially, culturally, and politically. But we are mindful of the implications of the impulse to link democracy to universal education, and are of the view that though desirable, and a long time goal, democracy flourishes on proper information flow rather than on everyone having formal education.

Philosophy, Politics and Education
Philosophy, as a social and political enterprise, can be viewed in two important ways (Cohen, 2003). Firstly, it is conceived in terms of practice. Philosophy is thus a group of activities and this further conveys that philosophy is interpersonal and not solitary. Because philosophy is a group of activities, it requires rules to function and the question of what is proper philosophical methodology becomes political (Cohen, 2003).

Secondly, and more importantly, according to Cohen (2003), philosophy is conceived in terms of its product. When philosophizing takes place in the public realm, it works to establish the values of the entire society not just those activities of philosophers. It is then clear that philosophy is the ultimate form of politics. Taylor (1976) maintains that Plato’s Republic, though a plan of an actual utopian society, can be seen as outlining a deeper sense of political activity for philosophers.

Cohen (2003) further stresses that philosophy and politics are linked and are in turn linked with education. Education, in virtue of its inextricable links with both philosophy and politics makes its dependence on them even stronger. Education is explicitly present in the methodology passage. Frede (1992) claims that education not only allows for inequality – for people will surely be of different abilities in terms of learning – but indeed assumes inequality for its leaders. In Calais’ (1995) laissez-faire view, education is conceived as an haphazard affair and it seems to have been like this in ancient Athens, in which all learn at their own pace. In consequence as in political version, this means there is no social cohesion derivable from Western educational theoria and praxis if individual capabilities are not to be sacrificed on the alter of political populism. To Hippias (1995) education should be common to all, but this will be at the cost of high quality in the type of education provided. He believes that enforcing equality of education will keep everybody together but it will also keep the best students from moving ahead. This last view is in line with an industrial-era vision of state schooling. Socrates’ view about education looks like that of Dewey (1997). Dewey’s (1966) conception of education is that of collaborative education. He stresses that the best students must be involved in the enterprise in such a way that their ability benefits the group.

According to Cohen, (2003) philosophy searches for wisdom and is indeed synonymous with education in the sense of individual’s search for learning. But philosophy as noted above does not only search for wisdom but it also conveys the wisdom to others. This corresponds to education as teaching. Dewey (1966) goes so far to define philosophy as the general theory of education. This double sense of education as either a reflexive or transitive activity helps at the same time to reveal its essential interconnection with politics. Politics too can be seen as a matter of either governing oneself or governing others. At best governing others is a matter of educating them. Thus in Plato’s (1945) understanding, the law is often spoken of as an educational tool. In the same sense, to be educated means to be autonomous, as education makes one understand why certain laws are binding and deserving of obedience.

Political Democracy
Historically, the ancient Athenians regarded and viewed democracy as the involvement of all free-born citizens of the polis as the rulers over their joint affairs. This goes to substantiate the primordial definition of democracy as the government of the people for the people by the people. According to Entwistle (1971), in the chapter “A Concept of Democracy and the Implementation for Education”, “the concept of political equality is part of the justification of democracy”. The assumption that democracy requires the continuous and active participation of citizens in governmental affairs of the community is subscribed to by Aristotle in his argument that the citizen is one because he does a certain job in the city, and this constitutes his right to be a citizen. In the ancient Athenian society, for one to claim citizenship, one had to be prepared to accept to undertake certain responsibility in government. Thus Pericles (cited in Entwistle 1971) suggested in Athens that a man who holds aloof from the affairs of state should not be regarded as quiet but as useless.

Also, according to Glotz (1926) in the Greeks at Work . The emphasis upon the democratic man “was upon responsibility rather than upon rights, upon activity and work”. Such procedural words as responsibility, participation, work, activity and sharing were frequently employed in the discussion of political democracy. Thus a democratic person was expected to be prepared to be responsible to the state as he accepted whatever task the state assigned to him. He had to be ready to participate actively in government affairs, as his citizenship depended on this. He had to be ready to work for the good of the society. The democratic Athenian was active and expressed profound delight as he should in the responsibility of the affairs of the community. An Athenian whose right was based upon the work he performed realized that he was only sharing in the monumental governmental tasks. No one felt and arrogated the work of the community to himself or his family alone. It was shared responsibility.

The meaning of political democracy could be further enhanced through the understanding that the Athenian assembly relied heavily on the participation of the free-born members through debate and discussion. They believed that policies had to be debated and discussed before an approval was given. Discussion was however regarded as most paramount since it was believed that sound judgments could not be reached without the thorough discussion of the issues at hand. Pericles (cited in Entunstle 1971) asserted that the people were not bored by prolonged discussion (Filibuster). According to him, “far from believing that prolonged discussion might blunt the appetite for action… the Athenians were bolder in action for having paused for reflection.”

According to Lindsay (1929), in The Essentials of Democracy, discussion was not for its own sake or merely a means of criticizing the established authority. Rather, democratic discussion was believed to have a worthwhile product; it was a means for the people to know what concerned them in relationship to their government (p.76). A corollary to achieving democracy in discussion is to be engaged in responsible discussion. This simply means that those thus engaged should be attentive and participate actively since any of them could be called upon to implement the decisions emanating from the discussions. It was also envisaged that the measure of one’s responsibility in such discussion dictated the willingness to accept the responsibility of an office and to participate in the affairs of the state. This responsibility to participate in discussion is essential, especially in Nigeria where politicians seek rotational method in assuming the affairs of governance.

Political Democracy and Education
We will now examine a) the ideas of classical political democracy and b) the roles of education in relationship to democracy. It does not seem appropriate to merely say what democracy means without attempting to examine its general principles, at least, as it is understood and operated by the United State of America as the champion and one of the most stable democracies in the world. Kneller (1971), a distinguished American educator, in his edited book, Foundations of Education, examined nine ideals underscoring the practice of democracy in the United States of America. It is not being suggested here that other cultures must embrace and practice democracy in either the Athenian or the American way only. The world has become more civilized scientifically and technologically than during the times of the ancient Greece and when the Americans embraced democratic constitution. Nigerians generally must practice and embrace democracy the best way culturally adaptable. We revert to ideals, principles and history in this matter because of the international nature of the world and its embrace of democracy as a reasonable political system of governance.

The following democratic principles as suggested by Kneller (1971) endorsed by us as guiding signposts for the Nigerian polity.

1. “The state is not an end in itself but a means to the attainment of human ends”
The suggestion here is that the state established by human ingenuity and creativity should always seek the interest of the majority of its citizens. The responsibility is placed on the shoulders of those elected to run the affairs of the state. The state managers, therefore, should not relent in their efforts to cater for the welfare and other needs of the majority of the populace. This is what Mill (1979) referred to as the summon bonum (the greatest good) in his utilitarian exposition. Each member of the state should also be given the encouragement to develop his or her potentialities and be prepared to serve the state responsibly.

2. “All men possess certain inalienable rights”
One’s inalienable rights are his human rights to life, freedom and the pursuit of happiness. In other words, anyone who attempts to deprive a person of her rights does not recognize that person as a human being. These universal rights, arising from the nature of our humanity, aim at the continuity of the human race. They call for corresponding responsibility, commitment and service. This is because politics should be understood as the science and art of helping others towards the development of the community. These inalienable rights challenge us to be prepared to participate directly and actively in the political life of the community.

3. “Democracy preserves and enhances individual freedom”
The individuals’ freedom that is at stake is the type that allows one ample opportunities for choices out of available alternatives. It is the freedom to be vigorously guarded as in a situation when an individual is being coerced out of his volition. Just as it is in the case of the endowment of certain inalienable rights, to be free is to be responsible and generous in one’s readiness to participate in the affairs of the welfare of the people.

4. “All humans are to be regarded equal in certain respects”
Obviously to be regarded as equal does not mean total equality in all respect. But at the same time, one should be treated as if equal in certain respects such as educational opportunities, equality to participate in political endeavours, equality before the law etc. It is realized that at some point or another, people have been deprived of their equal rights in certain of these respects. This should be resisted even though one realizes that nature itself is not a democrat. However, nature has endowed each person with certain unique characteristics. We are not the same in character; neither are we the same in intelligence nor are we equally physically built. These are understandable aberrations. According to Kneller (1971), “however widely men may differ in their attributes, they are the same in their common humanity, which differentiate them from other living things”.

5. “Democracy implies faith in human intelligence”
As stated above, we are not equally endowed intellectually. This not withstanding, each person must be accorded the respect and given equal opportunity to realize himself within the limits of his intellectual capacities. The state is in the best position to assist the individuals to develop their intellectual capacities by providing avenues for equal educational opportunities.

6. “Democracy grants the right to peaceful dissent”
As pointed out above, to criticize should not be regarded as an act of rebellion but rather as an attempt to contribute for the purpose of changing the society for the better through peaceful and persistent intellectual discussion and consultation. Also to criticize is to seek the truth and government is in the best position to protect the rights of those dissenting in their efforts to seek the truth.

7. “Democracy requires a party system”
It is envisaged that through political associations, individuals have ample opportunities to express their ideas which may lead to the improvement of the welfare of the people. There is no political agreement regarding whether a multi-party system is more democratic than a single party one. What is important is that there be avenues provided for the free expression of views and debating of issues to facilitate the attainment of better life and existence in society. We must recognize that each political party system has its own merits and demerits. For example, in a multi-party arrangement, it may be a problem for one of the parties to form a government on its own. But the resultant coalition provides opportunities for a wider range of political attitudes. Kneller (1971) however, taking as norm the American and British tow party experiences felt that a two party system “may lead to greater governmental stability at the cost of expressing fewer shades of opinion.

8. “Modern democracy is widely representative”
Unlike ancient Greece and Roman city-states, where, due to the nature of the communities, people participated directly in the affairs of government, modern democracies are more inclined to representative systems of government. In other words, the people or, in some cases, the parties nominate their representative candidates. Those nominated are therefore permitted to campaign and run for elections and if successful become the mouthpiece of the people.

9. “Democracy involves the separation of powers”
Separation of powers, as it is canvassed in American system of government, involves the separation of the functions of the various organs of government. These are the legislative, executive and judicial functions, so that on single individual or body controls more than one function or organ of state apparatus. This separation of powers is advocated in order to protect the legitimate rights of individual citizens from the powerful influences of any of the arms of government.

Democratic Education and the Nigerian Philosophy of Education
It has often been asked whether Nigeria has and indeed operates a philosophy of education. The Nigerian National Policy on Education (1981) states categorically thus:

“Nigeria’s philosophy of education therefore, is based on the integration of the individual into a sound and effective citizen and equal educational opportunities for all citizens of the nation at the primary, secondary and tertiary levels, both inside and outside the formal school system”.
From the declaration and assertion above, Nigeria has a philosophy of education. It is however, something else whether the philosophy is practised or not.

In addition to the declaration above the document asserted that there are five main objectives which serve as foundations for the National Policy upon which the philosophy is built. These are:

“a free and democratic society;
a just and egalitarian society;
a united, strong and self-reliant nation;
a great and dynamic economy; and
a land of bright and full opportunities for all citizens”.
In an article, “What is Philosophy of Education” (1990), Aladejana quoted in Uba et.al. pointed out thus: “these are not the philosophy of Nigerian education but aims or objectives necessary for the identification and appreciation of the philosophy of education”(p.33). However, if Nigeria wishes to adopt the same ideology for both its politics and education, it is subject to debate, since politics and democracy do not necessarily connote the same things nor have similar implications. Thus, the principles which form the foundations of democratic education should be known for proper guidance.

According to Kneller (1971) in Foundations of Education: “the conduct of education in a democracy is guided by a number of generally accepted principles”. Since Nigeria has wisely or unwisely adopted democracy as her form of government, there is nothing fundamentally wrong if her philosophy of Education is based on democratic principles. There are seven principles which are generally regarded as the cornerstones of education and democracy, viz:

“Since the people elect their government, they should be educated to do so responsibly;
through education, every individual is expected to develop his own talents to the full;
men must be educated to be free;
education should train the open mind;
education should develop the habit of productive co-operation as well as healthy competition;
wherever possible, we should adopt democratic practices in school behaviour; and
political control over education must be kept to the minimum”. (Kneller 1971)
There is no doubt that these are necessary principles and they can be pursued to their logical conclusions in a disciplined and democratic country. It may be interesting to find out whether the education of all the citizens is a condition for democracy in Nigeria. Thus the hypothesis: Is the formal education of all the citizens a logically necessary condition for the success of a democracy? For a democratic setting to be successful, at least the majority of the people need to be educated. One of the strongest arguments for contending that education is a logical and necessary condition for democracy goes like this: “Since the people themselves elect their government, they should be educated to do so responsibly”.

On the other hand, to claim that one only makes a responsible choice through education sounds naïve. The claim does not say anything about the type (formal or informal, descriptive or normative) and standard of such education. In other words, it cannot and should not be taken for granted that such education should normally be formal. It may be asked, who sets the limits and standard of education needed for a political choice? If one is aware of what voting is as a political act and right, which can be acquired through reasoning and participation (which is not alien to an informal educational system), can such a person not make a responsible choice by at least putting some marks on a ballot paper?

One of the issues at stake is the role of education in making political decisions. It does not mean that possessing a special competence such as formal education to a first degree level is necessary and compatible with the success of the endeavours of a government. There is no doubt that certain aspects of political decisions, such as economic decisions need expert knowledge, but it is assumed that no one can claim sole competence in the entire political process as a result of education.

A strong case can be made for education as being capable of assisting in the process of a viable democratic existence; that is, that education is desirable in fostering the healthy existence of a democratic society. According to Dewey (1966) democracy becomes “a mode of associated living, a conjoint communicated experience.” In this vein, that education is a desirable characteristic of democracy does not imply that it is logically necessary. It is merely desirable, not a necessary or a sufficient condition for democracy.

Education can of course serve democracy in a number of ways. It can contribute, according to Crittenden (1973), to the necessary “forms of understanding” which assist the public in the attempt to learn “to perceive, think, feel, imagine, desire, choose and act in a way that is fully and distinctively human”(p.136). If the above forms of understanding are necessary for the survival and sustenance of democracy of democracy and if they can only be supplied by education, formal or informal, how then can one say that education is not logically necessary for democracy. The point being stressed in this section of the paper is not just whether education is a logically necessary condition for democracy but whether the education of all the citizens is a necessarily logical condition. So far, the argument has been in favour of education not being logically necessary for the survival of democracy. In fact, it could be stated that it is an unnecessary emphasis to claim that the education of all the citizens will contribute to the survival of democracy. If not so, democracy would have to be understood as the only ideal form of government and a way of life that no society has ever attempted. We know of course, that some countries have practiced and are still practicing democracy as a form of government. And all their citizens were not and are not educated.

Nigeria, in-spite of several obstacles can achieve and make the above principles a reality. However, certain conditions must be met and these conditions can be taught. It is the task of philosophers of education to teach such habits as tolerance, fairness, respect for others’ views, liberty and so on. If not, democracy, in the words of Peters (1966) may “degenerate into propaganda and abuse”.

Implementation of the Concept of Democracy in the Nigerian Educational System
Nigeria’s aspiration to practice a democratic form of government is now a reality since May 29, 1999. Similarly, as found elsewhere in the world, Nigeria also aspires to implement the concept of democracy in its education by recommending free education to certain levels and by actually establishing comprehensive schools that intend to promote social integration, social unity, intellectual reflection, as well as the development of the various abilities in the citizenry-physical, emotional, moral, scientific, technological, commercial etc. These educational designs are found in the National Policy on Education to usher into our educational system the 6:3:3:4 rigour.

As it is being recommended now, if the free education in sight is really to produce an individual with equal opportunity, for critical functions in the society, then the education would not only be expected to be free but realistically compulsory at the primary and secondary levels of schooling. This will enable the Nigerian children to receive equal education up to the time that they would be matured enough to make political decisions about their representations in a representative democracy (i.e. up to he age of about eighteen years when the Nigerian child is deemed matured enough to take personal and political decisions). Besides, equal education should qualify the child to enter in the Nigerian job market almost directly, if he wants to, and this would be impossible without the necessary educational background. It should be pointed out that Universal Primary Education will not really be universal if the learner has still to pay any form of fees in any guise and buy books and other educational materials. For a child to be fully democratized and educated and become loyal to the government, he must have been endowed with certain inalienable ingredients for survival in life. Therefore, free education up to the level of political maturity and decision-making in a democracy is very important.

The comprehensive schools become admirable due to the nature of their curricula. They encourage equal educational opportunity for all citizens to develop their various talents, they promote equality in self-realization and embrace the democratic principle of freedom of the child to develop along his own line and talent. The comprehensive schools also promote the democratic principle of sharing experiences among the various members and groups (religious, socio-cultural) in the school and society. The shared interests promote interaction and communication which lead to continuous reconstruction of the societal experiences in the democracy.

Conclusion
In this essay we have examined the concepts of philosophy, politics, education and the meaning of political democracy. It is pointed out that for political democracy to thrive, certain principles must be put in place for effective political understanding and implementation. Also the paper discussed democratic education as it affects Nigerian philosophy of education. In the ensuing argument, it was pointed out that all the citizens of a state do not need to be formally educated for the survival of the state’s democratic endeavours, but that, however, education is a “sine qua non” in a democracy.

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